By some measures, Collins is the most moderate Republican in the Senate. She's certainly moderate-coded -- being something other than a right-wing ideologue is her brand, even though her votes against the party line rarely have much impact.
When Democrats have a bad election cycle -- whatever the actual reason -- pundits and Democratic consultants rush to inform us that Democrats fell short because voters perceive them as out-of-touch ideological extremists. Centrists said this repeatedly after Kamala Harris lost the 2024 presidential election, in a year when inflation dragged down not only the Democrats but parties in power worldwide.
The notion that Democrats lose elections because they're radical and alienating was conventional wisdom for quite a while after 2024. Do you remember when Ezra Klein interviewed Ta-Nehisi Coates last September, shortly after the murder of Charlie Kirk, and Klein hijacked what should have been a discussion of Kirk by droning on and on about his particular obsession at the time, which is that Democrats are too ideological and weird to win in the heartland? Klein said:
I look at the last eight, 12 years, and what I see having happened is we, the coalition I am in, the things I believe in, lost ground.I don't think this is completely off base. I think it's preposterous to imagine that Harris lost in 2024 primarily because of (frequently unsuccessful) efforts to cancel prominent people, but some voters do think Democrats are needlessly censorious.
... We’ve written a lot of people off, and in writing them off, we are losing....
... I think of the huge backlash to Bernie Sanders for going on Joe Rogan’s show because Rogan was transphobic. Such a big backlash that when I defended him — I became a Twitter trending topic. And to Elizabeth Warren for going on Bill Maher’s show — Bill Maher is Islamophobic. There were protests at Netflix when they brought on Dave Chappelle.
I think there was a politics of content moderation that took hold that was more about enforcing boundaries of what were and were not ideas we should be engaged with — rather than about engaging them, even if opportunistically.
... Do people feel like, even if they disagree with us on some things, they have a place with us? And my experience going around the country, talking to people — I’ve been on a lot of right-of-center podcasts lately — is that, rightly or wrongly, what they took, and something that really empowered Trump in the last election, was a sense that they didn’t.
They feel like we were against them, and if so, they were going to be against us. And I think that’s, in the end, doing politics badly.
But they believe this because it's a major topic of conversation in the right-wing media, especially in parts of the country where Fox News is mainstream news, the channel that's on TV in the diner, the bar, the waiting room at the auto repair shop or the hospital emergency room. It's also a major topic of conversation among Democratic pundits. So of course many people believe it's a big problem. They're constantly told that it's a big problem.
In 2026, why isn't anyone arguing that Republicans are telling millions of voters that don't "have a place with" the GOP? Republicans are alienating Muslims with Islamophobia and Hispanics with an out-of-control immigration crackdown. They're alienating non-tradwife women with talk about how it might be better if women didn't vote or work outside the home. They're alienating people who believe in vaccinatrion and cancer research.
I don't think this is the reason a blue wave is building -- I think it's high prices for gas, diesel, and groceries -- but our political culture was happy to reject the conventional wisdom about elections ("It's the economy, stupid") when Democrats lost in 2024. Why aren't they doing the same thing now with respect to Republicans?
In that conversation with Ta-Nehisi Coates, Ezra Klein said this:
I’ve been thinking about Obamacare. When Obamacare passes, there are Democratic senators in Arkansas, in Louisiana, in West Virginia, in Missouri, in Indiana, in North Carolina, in South Dakota, in North Dakota.In November, Democrats might win Senate seats in Kansas, South Carolina, Texas, Iowa, and Alaska. An independent who's been endorsed by Bernie Sanders might win in Nebraska. Portions of the red wall really might sustain damage this year.
And I’ve been thinking that, for a lot of us — to twist a line about capitalism — it has become easier to imagine the end of the country than winning a Senate seat in Missouri or Arkansas. And I think that’s a problem.
Maybe pundits should be putting Republicans on the defensive the way they routinely put Democrats on the defensive, by asking whether the party simply alienates too many voters to be successful nationwide.
