Hispanics moved right in 2024, largely because they were dissatisfied with the Joe Biden economy. The economy was their main issue in 2026, to Republicans' detriment this time -- but the huge outpouring of Hispanic voters was surely also a response to the Trump administration's brutal crackdown on Hispanic immigrants, which focused primarily on arresting honest workers rather than criminals and incarcerated the detainees in horrific facilities, while frequently catching citizens in its dragnet.
The numbers tell the story:
In Texas, every county voted more Democratic than it did two years ago, when Trump beat Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris in the presidential race. But the more heavily Hispanic the county, generally the heavier the shift....And it wasn't just Texas.
Roughly 7 in 10 Hispanic voters supported Democrat James Talarico in the U.S. Senate contest, while only about 3 in 10 voted for Republican Ken Paxton. The group was essentially split in the 2024 presidential election, according to AP VoteCast, an extensive survey of voters and nonvoters....
Democrats won every House district that touches the U.S.-Mexico border — which includes seats in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California — for the first time since 2008.
In southwestern Kansas, three Hispanic-majority counties that voted overwhelmingly for Trump flipped to backing Adam Hamilton, who became the first Democrat in nearly a century to win a U.S. Senate contest in the state. Turnout also surged 27% over 2022 in the three counties, Finney, Ford and Seward.So why aren't we hearing that Miller is on thin ice?
And while the White House has no control over the makeup of the Supreme Court unless there's a vacancy, why aren't we hearing that the president and his administration are peeved at the Court for eviscerating what was left of the Voting Rights Act in Louisiana v. Callais, a decision that led to many anti-Black gerrymanders -- and infuriated Black voters so much that they voted in large numbers, with remarkable results?
This has contributed not just to a possible — perhaps even likely — Senate victory in Mississippi, but to Democrats doing well across the South. Democrat Annie Andrews beat (appointed) South Carolina Sen. Darline Graham by about 4.5 points, 51.3% to 46.8%, in a state Trump carried by 18 points just two years ago.This is the second straight midterm cycle in which an outrageous Supreme Court decision fired up Democratic voters. Four years ago, it was the Dobbs decision that overturned Roe v. Wade. Subsequently, an expected red wave turned into a trickle. And now this.
Without the surge in Black voter turnout, Andrews would have won by under a point.
Democratic Rep. Shomari Figures was able to hold on to his seat in Alabama’s 2nd Congressional District this year, despite GOP lawmakers diluting the Black vote after the Supreme Court gave their blessing to Republicans to gerrymander Black voters and Democrats in Louisiana v. Callais in April.
In 2024, under a court-drawn map, Alabama’s 2nd District was 48.7% Black by voting-age population. Figures won it with 54.6% of the vote. For 2026, Republicans cut the district’s Black voting-age population to 39.9%.
Yet Figures still won 53.8% of the vote. Because of a relative increase in Black participation, Republicans cut the district’s Black voting-age population by nearly 9 points, but Figures’ vote share fell by less than 1 point.
An earlier crop of Republicans might be telling elite-media reporters right now, perhaps under the semi-anonymous cover of "top administration officials" or some other phrase, that they think the Supremes might have gone a bit too far in Callais. Supreme Court justices aren't supposed to respond to political pressure, but they sometimes do. The right-wing majority on the Court clearly cares about the future of the Republican Party. In the past, Executive Branch might have subtly let them know they'd hurt their side.
As for Stephen Miller, previous Republican administrations might have recognized the toxicity of his approach, the way the George W. Bush administration recognized the toxicity of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's approach to the War on Terror in 2006. (Rumsfeld resigned immediately after a Democratic midterm tsunami.)
But in the Trump-era GOP, this isn't allowed. Hegseth can be defenestrated because, despite his macho preening, he's not seen as the embodiment of Trump's aggression against Iran -- Trump is. If he's fired, the message will be "Trump's aggressive war against Iran was a good idea, and it still is a good idea, but it's been mismanaged." (No one actually believes this anywhere on the political spectrum, but it doesn't come off as an unmanly retreat on policy.)
Miller embodies the extremism and cruelty of the immigration crackdown. Defenestrating him would send a signal that Trump will be less cruel to immigrants going forward. Can't have that!
And no administration official can chide the Supreme Court for a crackdown on Black Democratic voters because criticism would suggest that the administration wants to create fewer impediments to Democratic voting. Can't leave that impression!
Of course, the real midterm villain for the GOP ought to be the tariff-imposing, endless-war-fighting, inflation-ignoring, ballroom-building, emolument-siphoning president. In a different America, Republicans might be privately signaling that they'd vote to remove Trump in the Senate if House Democrats impeached him. But they still don't believe they could do that, even though it might improve the general public's impression of their party. Maybe they'll opppose him on a few things in the future. More likely, they'll close ranks around him, because they feel they have no choice.

